How Burmese security forces are using night raids to quell protests against coup

Since the Burmese army – or Tatmadaw – seized power from the elected civilian government in a coup that took place on February 1, protests have touched almost every corner of the country. The Civil Disobedience Movement, as the historic resistance is now widely called, has seen unprecedented participation from almost all sections of Burmese society. In fact, the depth of participation eclipsed even the iconic uprisings of 1988 and 2008 against the military junta.

What, at the same time, has intensified is the new military government’s crackdown on protesters and those who refuse to go to work (including bureaucrats and even some members of the police). After a brief period of damp-to-nothing police action in the first week of the coup, security forces are now using a host of measures to shut down rebel and non-compliant neighborhoods.

One of the tactics used by the regime is night raids. They began in the second week of the takeover, with police in the late hours of February 9. raids the Yangon headquarters of the National League for Democracy or NLD, Myanmar’s largest political party led by Aung San Suu Kyi and winner of the general election on November 8, 2020.

The following night, in a second wave of night raids, police arrested six senior NLD officials, including a close associate of Suu Kyi (who was herself arrested, along with President Win Myint, hours before the Tatmadaw officially announced the takeover on the 1st February).

‘Sleepless nights’

As a result, the night raids became more and more frequent across the country, with the participation of local police and military personnel. The main targets of these late incursions have been civilian political leaders, local protest leaders and others participating in street demonstrations or civil disobedience strikes in the workplace. Authorities appear to have identified scores of protesters using surveillance cameras and images physically recorded by intelligence officers during the protests.

“Stop the nighttime kidnappings”, read a sign during a demonstration. According to the Burmese BBC journalist Nyein chan aye, “Sleepless nights are becoming common here in Myanmar.”

Amidst the terror, civilians from all towns and villages organized neighborhood vigils to protect their fellow citizens from overnight arrests. Many videos surfaced on social media showing crowds surrounding police vehicles or chasing authorities to prevent random detentions in their localities.

People were also banging pots and pans – which they were initially doing simply to protest the coup – to warn their neighbors of authorities approaching for nightly raids.

Are such massive detentions legal in Myanmar? They were not before the army, following its last putsch, suspended a set of laws prohibiting searches and seizures without legal authorization, arbitrary arrests and prolonged detentions. This means that nighttime raids are no longer strictly illegal, making it easier for the new military government to sanction them across the country.

In general, night raids are not uncommon in conflict-torn regions. They were frequently used, among others, by Israeli forces in Palestine, the American forces in Afghanistan, and Indian forces in the Kashmir Valley. In Palestine and Afghanistan, in particular, after-hours home interrogations and targeted killings have been an essential part of the counterinsurgency manual. In fact, he became one of the main points of contention between former Afghan President Hamid Karzai and the Western coalition engaged in Afghanistan under the banner of ISAF / NATO.

Even in Myanmar, night raids are not entirely unheard of. In fact, just last year, on September 12, the police burst into the house of a student leader from Yangon, Paing Min Khant, at night under the pretext of carrying out Covid-19 checks and arrested him along with another for violating the law on peaceful assemblies. In addition, according to Human Rights WatchOn September 18, “20 policemen raided before dawn” the home of another student federation leader from Sagaing Division, Nyi Lin Htin.

Avoid the public eye

Myanmar security forces also recently carried out night raids in Rohingya villages in Rakhine State with the intention of bringing together activists. In addition, during the 2008 saffron revolution against the then military junta, the security forces carried out raids. several monasteries In the middle of the night.

The key logic of Raiding in the Dark is simple: stealth. It allows for quick action without scrutiny. In today’s Myanmar context, this means that authorities can avoid public scrutiny and bypass any possibility of violent intervention by civilians.

But there is also a second element, almost implicit, in the night raids – terror. They are designed to instill a lingering sense of fear and insecurity in the minds of the insurgent population. The constant feeling that men in uniform with guns or even assault rifles could intrude into personal family or community spaces and take anyone away at any time after the party is over can be intimidating. This can exhaust entire families and, in turn, weaken popular participation in protests.

But that’s also exactly why neighborhood patrols are so effective in deterring nightly detentions. They provide a civilian presence around residential blocks, so that the authorities can no longer be discreet, and offer a feeling of mental security to residents. In times of ruthless state repression, such community mobilizations matter as much as larger protests. They send a message to the authorities that ordinary people cannot and will not be intimidated into submitting.

The Burmese military has long used obscure tactics to quell resistance and force rebel neighborhoods to line up. There is no reason he cannot continue to do so now. By repealing the legal provisions that prohibit them, he created a broad-spectrum mandate for such action. However, the mood in Myanmar seems unusually provocative this time around. Nighttime raids are discouraged on the spot and authorities are denied unhindered access to local communities. If this collective resolution continues, the junta could cede ground as quickly as it took over.

Angshuman Choudhury is a Senior Fellow at the Delhi Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies and a former Visiting Fellow at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs in Berlin.